| View previous topic :: View next topic |
| Author |
Message |
faceless
admin
Joined: 25 Apr 2006
|
 Posted: Mon Aug 04, 2008 3:55 pm Post subject: GG's Jill Dando conspiracy. |
 |
|
|
|
Did Dando pay the price for Belgrade bombing?
Aug 4 2008
George Galloway
RICHARD Ingrams, the founder and long-time editor of Private Eye, was the first person I heard say that Barry George was innocent. With his long developed "nose" for miscarriages of justice, he explained how this "local nutter", as George's own brief described him in court, couldn't have carried out the merciless lethal attack against Jill Dando.
Of course, we now know that George was more than a harmless "nutter", with the disclosure of his track record of sex crimes against women. So, who did carry out this perfect crime and get away with it for all these years in which Barry George rotted in prison? I'll tell you who I think it was, now, as I did back then nearly a decade ago.
Just days before Miss Dando was murdered, British war-planes bombed the main television station in Belgrade, then capital of Yugoslavia, murdering 16 people. It was a brazen and bloody war-crime, denounced by Britain's journalists union as an assault on journalists everywhere. The Yugoslavs didn't have the wherewithal to bomb the BBC in revenge, but they were plenty capable of exacting a price from an individual BBC personality.
In the long and usually quiet cold war, Britain fought to break up Yugoslavia - for nearly 50 years the BBC World Service was a nest of emigres and anti-Yugoslav dissidents fanning the flames of separatism - there were occasional eruptions of Belgrade's retaliation. One, I recall, in Fife, in which an exiled opponent was gunned down in the streets of the kingdom.
I believe that an agent of the former Yugoslavia gunned down Jill Dando in retaliation for the murder of their television workers. Some say there would not have been enough time to plan such a crime between the two events (not a point which seems to have occurred to those who pointed the finger at Barry George, who had no time or brain cells to plan it). But Dando may already have been targetted for her earlier high-profile hosting of a Kosovan fundraising appeal event which turned into an anti-Belgrade jamboree.
In any case, intelligence services, at least those as capable as that of Slobodan Milosovic, are aye ready to kill at the drop of a hat. Ask the family of Dr David Kelly.
-----------------
Sorry Georgie, is that the sound of white coats flapping?
 |
|
| Back to top |
|
 |
nekokate
Joined: 13 Dec 2006
Location: West Yorkshire, UK
|
| Posted: Mon Aug 04, 2008 6:54 pm Post subject: |
|
|
|
|
| Good lord. George has gone mad. He must have been playing Grand Theft Auto before he wrote that. |
|
| Back to top |
|
|
luke
Joined: 11 Feb 2007
Location: by the sea
|
| Posted: Mon Aug 04, 2008 7:37 pm Post subject: |
|
|
|
|
interesting article from back in 2002;
| Quote: | Shadow of doubt?
Last summer, when Barry George was convicted of killing Jill Dando, all other possible theories were discounted. But is one of them more credible than was originally thought?
In July 2001, Barry George was convicted of the murder of Jill Dando, after a year-long police investigation and an eight-week trial. Many of the lawyers and reporters who attended the trial had anticipated an acquittal, but the jurors convicted on a 10:1 majority.
The evidence against George - resting primarily on an invisible particle of explosives residue found on the lining of his coat - was remarkably thin. He lived in a cluttered and uncleaned flat. He was inept, disorganised and had suffered learning difficulties all his life. He had a number of personality disorders (the prosecution claimed to have identified at least six). He was not only unemployed, but unemployable, and had not had a job for more than 20 years.
The murder, on Monday, April 26 1999, bore the hallmarks of a ruthless and well thought-out operation. And, only three days earlier, British and US planes had bombed the Radio-Television Serbia building in Belgrade, killing 16 employees in an attack described by Tony Blair as "entirely justified". Earlier that month, Dando had made a high-profile BBC appeal on behalf of Kosovan Albanian refugees. Before long, there was speculation that the two events were linked, and that Dando had been killed in retaliation for the Nato bombing of Serbian journalists.
The theory was to provide one of the main planks of George's defence. Defence barrister Michael Mansfield QC told the jury, "The television station was owned and run by the Milosevic family and was deliberately targeted by Nato, using a cruise missile, because it was seen as the main purveyor of Serbian state propaganda. Jill Dando by this stage had become one of the, if not the, face[s] of the BBC. In short, she was the personification and embodiment of the BBC."
The Metropolitan police eventually discounted from their inquiries the possibility of Serbian responsibility, partly on the grounds that three days (the period between the bombing and Dando's murder) was not sufficient time to plan and carry out a high-profile revenge killing. On this point, they were undoubtedly correct: the murder certainly hadn't been planned and carried out in just three days. But the police did not examine the theory in its broader context, or seriously consider that it might have been planned weeks in advance.
After George's conviction, I was contacted by a former officer in British military intelligence - I will call him Thomas Ash - who put the affair into a much clearer perspective. The nation was shocked by the murder. Of all our TV personalities, Dando had always seemed the most down-to-earth and unaffected. She was tremendously popular, both with the public and with her colleagues. Having originally come to prominence reading the 6pm news bulletin, by April 1999 she was well-established as presenter of the Holiday programme and co-presenter of Crimewatch. She was due to co-host the Bafta awards that year, and to provide the commentary for the Earl and Countess of Wessex's wedding in September and, probably, for the end-of-year millennium celebrations, too. Before that, there was a new series, Antiques Inspectors, in connection with which she was that very week gracing the cover of Radio Times. In another of her periodic attempts to shed her girl-next-door image, she posed in designer leather in front of an Aston Martin.
From the outset, there appeared to be two vital clues to the kind of crime this was: the method of killing and the ballistics evidence. As Dando was about to put her keys in the lock to open the front door of her home in Fulham, south-west London, she was grabbed from behind. (The late Iain West, then Britain's leading pathologist, identified a recent bruise to her right forearm.) With his right arm, the assailant held her and forced her to the ground, so that her face was almost touching the tiled step of the porch. Then, with his left hand, he fired a single shot at her left temple, killing her instantly. It was very close to 11.30am. The bullet entered her head just above her ear, parallel to the ground, and came out the right side of her head and into the door, leaving a mark that was a mere 22cm above the doorstep.
For the killer, there were three advantages to such a clinical, one-shot murder. The first was silence. The gases escaping as the gun was discharged, which normally cause the report, instead exploded inside the head, so there was virtually no noise: Richard Hughes, Dando's neighbour, was working at the front of the house and heard a brief, sudden cry, but no gunshot.
The second was that the assailant did not end up covered in flesh and blood. The third was speed - Hughes estimated a gap of only 30 seconds between hearing Dando get out of her car and the latch of the gate as the assailant, his job done, closed it behind him; the police estimated it happened even faster than that.
At the trial, Mansfield asked the defence ballistics expert, Major Freddy Mead, for his view of the shooting. "It is difficult," he responded, "to imagine how it could have been bettered." When the scientists examined the bullet and the cartridge case, the ballistics evidence yielded two unusual clues. First, there appeared to be no rifling marks on the bullet. Rifling marks inside a gun barrel spin the bullet, thereby giving greater accuracy at long ranges. Initially, the absence of such marks might seem to support the prosecution theory that George had used a deactivated weapon that was later reactivated (gun laws in this country, post-Hungerford and Dunblane, had become progressively tighter; following a number of amnesties, many guns had been deactivated by having barrel rifling and other mechanisms removed).
But there was another possibility: that a custom-made, smooth-bore, short-range weapon had been used. If the killer planned to put the weapon against his victim's head, and was practised in doing so, there was no need for the long-distance accuracy provided by rifling in the barrel.
Second, there were, close to the rim, six tiny indentations. These were "crimping" marks, as the cartridge case was tightened around the bullet, and they were slightly irregular, which suggested that they were handmade. The bullet was correct for the cartridge case, and functioned perfectly in the gun, and the cartridge case was ejected on the spot. The ballistics may have been unorthodox, but they revealed a more than adequate understanding of handguns.
There were other extraordinary features of the crime. By April 1999, Dando was spending most of her time with her fiance, Dr Alan Farthing, at his home in Chiswick. Her own house was up for sale, and she returned only intermittently - certainly not routinely. So the assailant must have been waiting in the immediate vicinity of her house, even though he would have had no idea what time she would be returning - if, indeed, she was going to return at all.
Two neighbours, Hughes and Geoffrey Upfill-Brown, saw the gunman making a hasty departure from the scene, although he slowed down when he realised that Upfill-Brown had noticed him. Hughes described a white, well-dressed man with dark hair and a solid build, wearing a dark, Barbour-type jacket. He thought that the man had a mobile phone. Upfill-Brown gave a similar description.
Having committed the murder, the gunman turned left, which necessitated walking the length of Gowan Avenue (the road in which Dando lived). It was broad daylight. The more obvious getaway route would have been to turn right. Nevertheless, no one definitely saw the gunman before the attack, and only these two witnesses definitely saw him after it.
There is one obvious way of fitting together these apparently baffling pieces of evidence. The gunman had an accomplice, and waited in a car for Dando to return, which would explain why he was not noticed beforehand. When she arrived at the house, he got out and the car was driven off by the accomplice in the direction it was facing. The gunman would then join him at a pre-arranged rendezvous nearby. Accordingly, even if he were spotted in Gowan Avenue, there would be no witness to connect him with a vehicle.
In the early stages of the investigation, a number of sightings of Range Rovers were thought significant and were prominently publicised. Notably, at about 10.15am, a traffic warden was about to issue a ticket to a blue Range Rover illegally parked on Gowan Avenue, but stopped when the driver waved her away. This and other sightings were ultimately dismissed by police, but they may not have been red herrings.
The former military intelligence officer, Thomas Ash, had been following reports of the case with keen interest. One of his key concerns had been the study of Soviet and east European special forces, and since retiring he has continued to study closely the secret service organisations in the Balkans. Ash quickly reached his own conclusion about the murder: there were, he thought, clear signs of Serbian involvement.
In 1948, Tito and Stalin fell out over the direction of communism, and Yugoslavia was expelled from the Comintern, the international association of pro-Soviet communist parties. The country thus became, as the historian Peter Calvocoressi wrote, "an international anomaly: a communist state dependent on US and other western aid". Although the west gained no discernible advantage from this patronage, the arrangement guaranteed Tito's long-term survival. While the Russians eliminated communists sympathetic to Tito, he in turn had political opponents, even those who had fled abroad, systematically murdered.
"In the Tito era, the police and security forces of certain Nato nations were warned off taking any firm action against the notorious UDBA, the Yugoslav secret service," says Ash."I was told to cool it; we had to leave them alone, we had to keep Tito sweet." The result of this misplaced regard for Tito was an unchecked wave of political assassinations of his opponents wherever they might be, Europe, America, Australia - some 68 between 1960-80. The UDBA became practised at assassinations in foreign countries, and got used to the idea of acting with impunity.
Such absolute freedom led to carelessness. Nikola Stedul, who was living in exile in Kirkcaldy, became a target for Yugoslav agents after becoming president of the Croatian Movement for Statehood. He was shot five times outside his home on October 20 1988. But the operation was badly botched. The surveillance team had not done its work properly. Not only did Stedul survive, but a neighbour had taken the registration number of the gunman's hire car. Vinko Sindicic was arrested later that day at Heathrow airport. He proved to be a Yugoslav "master assassin" who had executed 10 opponents of the state in different countries. He was charged with the attempted murder of Stedul and, in May 1989, found guilty and sentenced to 15 years in prison.
Determined to learn from such errors, Slobodan Milosevic, who became president of Serbia in 1989, developed his own Serbian-controlled security services, with an assassination department, the Jedinica za Specijalne Operacije (JSO). "The method favoured by the JSO for operations in foreign countries became the carefully-planned approach of an experienced lone assassin," Ash says. "Operating with local support, he would make a cool and precise execution, preferably with one silent shot at very close range. It was essential that he could make his escape without being detected."
From the start of the 1990s, Milosevic pursued his dream of building a greater Serbia from the ruins of the old Yugoslav federation. In doing so, he utilised the talents, such as they were, of Zeljko Raznatovic, the warlord known as Arkan. Arkan, born in Montenegro in 1953, was recruited by the Yugoslav secret service and became its foremost assassin of exiled enemies of the regime. By 1990, there were warrants for his arrest, in connection with a series of bank robberies and murders, in Belgium, Holland, Italy, Germany, Sweden and Switzerland; but, with a copious supply of false passports, he continued to move across international borders with ease. In October 1990, he established his own militia, the Serbia Volunteer Guard, known as the Tigers, who quickly established themselves as efficient killers, held respon sible for massacres in Croatia and Bosnia as they spearheaded the ethnic cleansing in the civil wars of 1991-95. Arkan, enjoying the full patronage of Milosevic, believed himself above the law.
Finally, in September 1997, Arkan was indicted for war crimes by the international tribunal in the Hague. Interviewed by Boris Johnson for the Daily Telegraph, he declared, "I don't give a damn... I really don't recognise that court." At the same time, he made plain his views about his Serbian nationality: "We are warriors in our blood... we are defending our country... anyone who is outside we will kill."
By March 1999, after the failure of talks between Richard Holbrooke, the US special envoy to the Balkans, and Milosevic, the US and UK opted to use force against Serbia. B52 bombers loaded with cruise missiles took off from RAF Fairford in Gloucestershire to begin bombing Serbian military targets in Kosovo. President Clinton described the decision as "the best of an awful lot of bad alternatives". In a television broadcast, Blair told the nation that people were being slaughtered "just for being there when the Serb killing machine arrived".
The attacks were the first offensive action against a sovereign country taken by Nato in its 50-year history. There were protests in London every day that week, the largest of more than 2,000 people. (The Serbian community in London is more than 35,000 strong.) The security services kept these community groups under surveillance; according to a Scotland Yard report, Serbian gangs operating in west London were involved in drug-running and money-laundering, and were using the profits to help fund paramilitary groups such as Arkan's Tigers.
On April 3, Nato stepped up its action against Milosevic and began bombing civilian targets in Belgrade. From then on, the bombing continued on a daily basis; calls from the Pope and other religious leaders to halt over the Easter period were ignored.
Milosevic, whose family owned Radio-Television Serbia, attached great importance to the media. As soon as the Nato bombing started, all western correspondents were expelled and independent news outlets in the former Yugoslavia closed down. It was on Friday April 23, while delegates celebrated Nato's 50th anniversary in Washington, that US and UK planes bombed the Radio-Television Serbia building, killing 16 employees.
Blair explained: "It's very important people realise that these TV stations are part of the apparatus of dictatorship, used [by Milosevic] to do his ethnic cleansing in Kosovo." Clare Short, international development secretary, added, "The constant stream of completely false information in Serbia is prolonging the war". (There is a distinct possibility that Milosevic's regime was aware of an imminent Nato strike and knowingly endangered the lives of Radio-Television Serbia employees: two weeks ago, the former head of state television, Dragoljub Milanovic, was jailed by a Belgrade court for 10 years, for failing to evacuate a known target and causing "grave danger to public security".)
Although the stark, simple fact was never fully impressed on the public consciousness, Dando was murdered when Britain was at war with Serbia.
The one clear result of the Nato bombing campaign was to precipitate a disaster in Kosovo. Milosevic ordered a brutal backlash. Within days, Kosovan Albanian refugees poured across the borders as their villages burned. Tens of thousands of ethnic Albanians faced slaughter or starvation. It was a major humanitarian crisis. At 6.25pm on April 6, the Disasters Emergency Committee put out a Kosovo Crisis Appeal on national television. The BBC appeal was made by Jill Dando. More than £1m was raised in the first 24 hours.
The other, less conspicuous result of the bombing of Belgrade was to provoke Serbian vengeance. In military terms, Milosevic was powerless, but he could pick off individual targets - a course of action that Ash believes was implemented days after the bombing of Belgrade. Serbia had little hope of striking at the US, but there were several British betes noires to choose from: Tony Blair; defence secretary George Robertson, who was equally forthright in his condemnation of Serbian military action, and who four months later would become secretary-general of Nato; Nato's prominent press spokesman, Jamie Shea, a Londoner described by the Daily Telegraph as "cutting a powerful figure in the propaganda war against the Serbs"; and the BBC, for which Milosevic had a particular hatred because of its international status and continuing exposure of his murderous policies.
As government ministers, Blair and Robertson would have been impossible targets. The director-general of the BBC, Sir John Birt, presented similar difficulties - the escape of the assassin and support team would have been hazardous. So who else could be attacked? Having just publicly espoused the cause of the Kosovan Albanians, Dando was both an obvious and a soft target. She was a public face of the BBC, and she had no security.
On April 11, Milosevic began striking back at his perceived enemies in the media. Slavko Curuvija, the owner and editor of the independent newspaper Dnevni Telegraf, who had been critical of Milosevic and his government, was shot dead outside his home in central Belgrade. Dando was killed on April 26. At 11.09 the next morning, a caller to BBC TV Centre said: "Yesterday I call you to tell you to add a few numbers to your list. Because your government, and in particular your prime minister Blair, murdered, butchered 17 innocent young people. He butchered, we butcher back. The first one you had yesterday, the next one will be Tony Hall [chief executive for BBC news, and thus the man ultimately responsible for coverage of the Kosovo conflict]."
There were two calls to the London switchboard, another to BBC Belfast. The voice was guttural, with a mid-European accent. The caller not only indicated that there were Serb links to Dando's murder (the "17 innocent young people" was a reference to the employees - actually 16 - killed in the bombing of Radio-Television Serbia), but threatened the life of Dando's boss, Hall. "For about six weeks, as a family, we lived a very disturbed life, with all the security equipment, wiring and cameras," says Hall, now executive director of the Royal Opera House. "Thames Valley police were really good. I never got to the bottom of whether it was just a hoax or someone with real connections."
There were also two calls to the Daily Mirror: an anonymous caller said that two men were involved in the killing, that they had used a vehicle and rendezvoused in Bishop's Avenue, near Gowan Avenue. Meanwhile, it was reported that the usually reliable Israeli intelligence services had warned Nato that two-man Serbian "hit" teams had been sent to attack "targets of opportunity".
Then, in the early hours of May 12, there was a security panic at the home of Nato spokesman Jamie Shea in Brussels. Shea had no security; he, too, would have been a high-profile soft target. He and his family were moved to safety and given maximum protection by Nato security and the Belgian police. It looked as if an assassination attempt had been foiled. This was 16 days after Dando's murder, which in turn had happened 15 days after the murder of Curuvija.
That September, the Dando inquiry team received a report from the National Criminal Intelligence Service. NCIS had been set up in 1992 to collect and analyse criminal intelligence and to liaise with Interpol. Its report, which was marked 'low-grade' and based on information from an anonymous informant, named Arkan himself as having been behind Dando's murder. It included information about how the assassin had arrived in the UK and which countries he had travelled through. But given the volume of intelligence already gathered - and the fact that this was a theory the police had already discounted - the inquiry did not pursue this.
It is conceivable that an armourer had prepared a weapon, bullet and cartridge for the specific task. Ash suggests that a smooth-bore, one-shot assassination weapon could have been fitted inside a mobile phone; in autumn 2000, just such a weapon, concealed in a mobile phone, was removed by German police from a Yugoslav gun dealer near the Swiss border. Dando's neighbour, Richard Hughes, had thought the killer carried a mobile phone; yet all mobile phone records for that area, painstakingly trawled through by police, yielded no relevant information.
The Dando murder could have been the work of a two-man team, with perhaps a third monitoring her movements to and from her fiance's house in Chiswick. They could have communicated by two-way radio (as the crow flies, it is only two miles from Chiswick to Fulham), which could not be traced by police or monitored by GCHQ. From Fulham, the assassin could have been dropped off at Barons Court or Hammersmith on the Piccadilly tube line, bound direct for Heathrow. He could have flown out of the country that afternoon. If the murderer really was Arkan, or someone acting on his orders, we may never be sure exactly what happened - on January 16 2000, Arkan was shot dead in the foyer of the Intercontinental Hotel, Belgrade. It is widely believed he had begun secret plea bargaining talks with the Hague, with a view to giving evidence against Milosevic, Mladic and Karadzic.
There were two reasons given by the prosecution for discounting the "Serb" theory. First, that too little time had elapsed between the Radio-Television Serbia bombing and Dando's death; three days was insufficient time in which to plan and execute an assassination. But if, as is more likely, the murder was conceived following Dando's television appeal on behalf of Kosovan Albanians, the murderers would have had three weeks, ample time for preparation. Second, Orlando Pownall QC, for the Crown, told the jury that it could not have been a Serbian assassin because Serbia had not claimed responsibility for the killing: had Milosevic wanted Dando's death to serve as a protest against Nato military action, he or his operatives would have publicised the fact. The most charitable thing to say about this assertion is that it demonstrates an ignorance of Balkan politics and, indeed, the history of the cold war. "Claims of responsibility" are made by groups such as the IRA or Eta. In 60 years, there has not once been a "claim of responsibility" for an assassination carried out by east European secret services.
Ever the fantasist, Barry George may now be adapting to his notoriety (two tabloid newspapers have advertised tapes of prison "confessions"), but he should be a footnote in this story. Apart from that invisible speck of explosives residue found on his coat, the police found no evidence that he had possessed guns or ammunition in the past 15 years. He had neither expertise in weapons, nor the resources to modify them. He had no car, no money. There was no forensic evidence found in his flat: remarkably, police found no explosives residue there, even though it was assumed that he'd gone home to change straight after the shooting. The two squads of officers, 50 in all, who surveilled his movements for more than three weeks before his arrest gleaned no evidence to assist their case. Dando's neighbours, the only two eyewitnesses, failed to pick out George in an identity parade.
Elaine Hutton and Susan Bicknell at Hammersmith & Fulham Action for Disability alerted police to George because of his strange demeanour and mental health problems when he arrived at the centre soon after the murder. Yet, unbeknown to them, the timing they gave for his arrival (around 11.50am, 20 minutes after the shooting) gave him an alibi. George would have needed at least 30 minutes to go home, change clothes and then walk to the centre.
Following George's conviction, the case continued to be beset by controversy. One of the officers involved in the inquiry resigned after failing to disclose a media contact (he was later reinstated on appeal); a second officer was accused of harassment by a witness, although she later withdrew her allegations. The conviction hangs on that speck of explosives residue that might, as Mansfield argued in court, have come from almost anywhere. It might have been fireworks, or the coat could have become contaminated while in police custody (it was photographed before forensic analysis, so the possibilities for contamination were considerable). As such, the conviction joins a lengthening list of cases in which forensic evidence has been allowed to overwhelm other pieces of evidence.
At least the man who may be ultimately responsible for Dando's death is no longer in a position to wreak further slaughter - Slobodan Milosevic is now at the Hague, standing trial for war crimes. |
from http://www.guardian.co.uk/uk/2002/jul/06/jilldando.weekend7 |
|
| Back to top |
|
|
faceless
admin
Joined: 25 Apr 2006
|
| Posted: Mon Aug 04, 2008 11:52 pm Post subject: |
|
|
|
|
Interesting article. I don't actually doubt it's possible, but considering GG's attacks on people who propose other conspiracy theories when there is no actual evidence it seems more than a bit rich for him now to propose this one.
The implication is that conspiracies are only believable if they are small-scale, which is clearly wrong when taking into account people such as Bernays and his theories of control. |
|
| Back to top |
|
|
cobweb
Joined: 01 Aug 2008
|
| Posted: Wed Aug 06, 2008 6:32 pm Post subject: |
|
|
|
|
The problem with all things like this is that you can look like a conspiracy theorist nut if your not careful. If you carefully select the evidence you choose to examine (or not) and carefully present it to back your case then you can "prove" in equal measures that Kennedy was blown away by Oswald alone, or by several gunmen working for your orginisation of choice. Or perhaps that man really did walk on the moon - or that he bounced around in a soundstage in Nevada.
The upshot is that Barry George is an individual of limited intelligence who sadly was either an easy patsy or very unlucky to be in the wrong places at the wrong times. He certainly isn't/wasn't an angel but a life sentence for something he patently was uncapable of planning let alone acrrying out is beyond the pale.
The bigger question to ask now maybe "where now for the investigation to find the real killer?". The police seem to be left with no murder weapon, no new leads and no suspects. |
|
| Back to top |
|
|
faceless
admin
Joined: 25 Apr 2006
|
| Posted: Wed Aug 06, 2008 9:10 pm Post subject: |
|
|
|
|
| cobweb, I took out the indigo text colour as it made your post almost impossible to read... |
|
| Back to top |
|
|
cobweb
Joined: 01 Aug 2008
|
| Posted: Wed Aug 06, 2008 10:33 pm Post subject: |
|
|
|
|
| Fair enough faceless....I prefer lower contrast colours but whatever suits the board best...I'll stick with plain white text from now on then :>) |
|
| Back to top |
|
|
luke
Joined: 11 Feb 2007
Location: by the sea
|
| Posted: Wed Aug 06, 2008 10:44 pm Post subject: |
|
|
|
|
in answer to your question cobweb, it seems the police still think it was barry george ...
| Quote: | The reaction from here [Scotland Yard] is, rightly or wrongly, that any re-investigation will be unlikely to reach any different conclusion." - Sky News, 4 August, 12.18pm.
Scotland Yard have been briefing journalists furiously for the last forty eight hours that Barry George is guilty and the jury got it wrong. Two teams of detectives, they told the Sky reporter, had investigated the case and reached the same conclusion. Disgracefully Sky News are challenging poor George - who has a mental age of 10 - to take a lie detector test. |
continued at http://www.craigmurray.org.uk/ |
|
| Back to top |
|
|
cobweb
Joined: 01 Aug 2008
|
| Posted: Thu Aug 07, 2008 3:34 pm Post subject: |
|
|
|
|
Any person, or orginisation, can make a mistake, as the saying goes to err is human. However to ignore the findings of an appeal judge and jury and to insist that a man freed of a crime is still guilty despite all evidence (one speck of GSR excepted) to the contrary is a slap in the face to justice.
Scotland Yard should be forced to hand over the case files to another police force to review their investigation methods, procedures and outcomes. I won't hold my breath though. |
|
| Back to top |
|
|
|
|
|
|
You cannot post new topics in this forum
You cannot reply to topics in this forum
You cannot edit your posts in this forum
You cannot delete your posts in this forum
You cannot vote in polls in this forum
You cannot attach files in this forum
You can download files in this forum
|
Couchtripper - 2005-2015
|
